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Joseph Massey
Joseph Massey

Mine For Now Js Scott Epub

Results: Following a low point in the late 1990s, the national prevalence of CWP in miners with 25 years or more of tenure now exceeds 10%. In central Appalachia (Kentucky, Virginia, West Virginia), 20.6% of long-tenured miners have CWP. When we excluded miners from central Appalachia, the prevalence for the remainder of the United States was lower, but an increase since 2000 remains evident.

mine for now js scott epub

Conclusions: The national prevalence of CWP among working coal miners is increasing. This increase is most pronounced in central Appalachia. Current CWP prevalence estimates will likely be reflected in future trends for severe and disabling disease, including progressive massive fibrosis. Public Health Implications. Recently enacted protections to prevent coal mine dust exposure and identify CWP at its early stage remain essential to protect US coal miners.

The following Sermons on Psalm 42: I have perused, and find that they are the same which I preached divers years since, being then taken by a good pen as they fell in preaching. They have been long buried in silence, and should have rested in their grave, had not the importunity of some, who heard them preached, raised them from that death. Mine own notes were not legible enough for the press: in answer therefore to their desires, I have corrected these: some things I have altered, some things added, and some repetitions (fit enough for the pulpit) I have filed off; what is wanting let thy goodness supply. I have also joined with them, some other Sermons, of more doctrinal concernment, these being mostly practical, that so thy mind and heart may be at once exercised: wherein I have rather applied myself to the instructive part of preaching, than to scholastical disputation. For I know the Universities have able and faithful men, more fit for that work. Neither have I undertaken any English adversary; and if I have trodden upon any man's toes, I hope he will excuse me, for I can say truly, Sir, I saw you not. And if any man shall say to me, as David's brother Eliab spake to him, 1 Sam. 17:29, "I know thy pride, and malice of thine heart, that thou art come down to see the battle might answer, as David did, "Is there not a cause?" When strange opinions and errors are daily published, is there not a cause, that every man, who loves the truth, should bear his testimony for it? In performance therefore of mine own duty, and for thine establishment, I have spoken something to many truths, which are now questioned. Hold fast what thou hast, lest another take thy crown. "And the Lord Jesus Christ and our God, even the Father, which hath loved us, and hath given us everlasting consolation, and good hope through grace, comfort thine heart, and stablish thee in every word, and good work."

The new legible forest was also easier to manipulateexperimentally. Now that the more complex old-growth forest had beenreplaced by a forest in which many variables were held constant, itwas a far simpler matter to examine the effects of such variables asfertilizer applications, rainfall, and weeding, on same-age,single-species stands. It was the closest thing to a forest laboratoryone could imagine at the time.[15] The very simplicity of the forestmade it possible, for the first time, to assess novel regimens offorest management under nearly experimental conditions.

How were the agents of the state to begin measuring and codifying,throughout each region of an entire kingdom, its population, theirlandholdings, their harvests, their wealth, the volume of commerce, andso on? The obstacles in the path of even the most rudimentary knowledgeof these matters were enormous. The struggle to establish uniformweights and measures and to carry out a cadastral mapping oflandholdings can serve as diagnostic examples. Each required a large,costly, long-term campaign against determined resistance. Resistancecame not only from the general population but also from localpower-holders; they were frequently able to take advantage of theadministrative incoherence produced by differing interests and missionswithin the ranks of officialdom. But in spite of the ebbs and flows ofthe various campaigns and their national peculiarities, a pattern ofadopting uniform measurements and charting cadastral maps ultimatelyprevailed.

No operating land-revenue system can stop at the mere identificationof parcel and ownership. Other schematic facts, themselves static,must be created to arrive at some judgment of a sustainable taxburden. Land may be graded by soil class, how well it is watered, whatcrops are grown on it, and its presumed average yield, which is oftenchecked by sample crop-cuttings. These facts are themselves changing,or they are averages that may mask great variation. Like the stillphoto of the cadastral map, they grow more unrealistic with time andmust be reexamined.

Legibility implies a viewer whose place is central and whose vision issynoptic. State simplifications of the kind we have examined aredesigned to provide authorities with a schematic view of theirsociety, a view not afforded to those without authority. Rather likeU.S. highway patrolmen wearing mirrored sunglasses, the authoritiesenjoy a quasimonopolistic picture of selected aspects of the wholesociety. This privileged vantage point is typical of all institutionalsettings where command and control of complex human activities isparamount. The monastery, the barracks, the factory floor, and theadministrative bureaucracy (private or public) exercise many statelikefunctions and often mimic its information structure as well.

All the state simplifications that we have examined have the characterof maps. That is, they are designed to summarize precisely thoseaspects of a complex world that are of immediate interest to themapmaker and to ignore the rest. To complain that a map lacks nuanceand detail makes no sense unless it omits information necessary to itsfunction. A city map that aspired to represent every traffic light,every pothole, every building, and every bush and tree in every parkwould threaten to become as large and as complex as the city that itdepicted.[195] And it certainly would defeat the purpose of mapping,which is to abstract and summarize. A map is an instrument designedfor a purpose. We may judge that purpose noble or morally offensive,but the map itself either serves or fails to serve its intended use.

The world war was the high-water mark for the political influence ofengineers and planners. Having seen what could be accomplished inextremis, they imagined what they could achieve if the identicalenergy and planning were devoted to popular welfare rather than massdestruction. Together with many political leaders, industrialists,labor leaders, and prominent intellectuals (such as Philip Gibbs inEngland, Ernst Jünger in Germany, and Gustave Le Bon in France), theyconcluded that only a renewed and comprehensive dedication totechnical innovation and the planning it made possible could rebuildthe European economies and bring social peace.[239]

The Taylor system, the last word of capitalism in this respect, likeall capitalist progress, is a combination of the subtle brutality ofbourgeois exploitation and a number of its great scientificachievements in the fields of analysing mechanical motions duringwork, the elimination of superfluous and awkward motions, the workingout of correct methods of work, the introduction of the best system ofaccounting and control, etc. The Soviet Republic must at all costsadopt all that is valuable in the achievements of science andtechnology in this field.... We must organize in Russia the study andteaching of the Taylor system and systematically try it out and adaptit to our purposes.[243]

Despite the authoritarian temptations of twentieth-century highmodernism, they have often been resisted. The reasons are not onlycomplex; they are different from case to case. While it is not myintention to examine in detail all the potential obstacles tohigh-modernist planning, the particular barrier posed by liberaldemocratic ideas and institutions deserves emphasis. Three factorsseem decisive. The first is the existence and belief in a privatesphere of activity in which the state and its agencies may notlegitimately interfere. To be sure, this zone of autonomy has had abeleaguered existence as, following Mannheim, more heretofore privatespheres have been made the object of official intervention. Much ofthe work of Michel Foucault was an attempt to map these incursionsinto health, sexuality, mental illness, vagrancy, or sanitation andthe strategies behind them. Nevertheless, the idea of a private realmhas served to limit the ambitions of many high modernists, througheither their own political values or their healthy respect for thepolitical storm that such incursions would provoke.

Luxemburg looked on strikes and political struggles as dialectical,historical processes. The structure of the economy and the workforcehelped to shape, but never determine, the options available. Thus, ifindustry was small scale and geographically scattered, strikes wouldtypically be small and scattered as well. Each set of strikes,however, forced changes in the structure of capital. If workers wonhigher wages, for example, the increases might provoke consolidationsin the industry, mechanization, and new patterns of supervision, allof which would influence the character of the next round of strikes. Astrike would also, of course, teach the workforce new lessons andalter the character of its cohesion and leadership.[422] Thisinsistence on process and human agency served Luxemburg as a warningagainst a narrow view of tactics. A strike or a revolution was notsimply an end toward which tactics and command ought to be directed;the process leading to it was at the same time shaping the characterof the proletariat. How the revolution was made mattered as much aswhether it was made at all, for the process itself had heavyconsequences.

As we shall see later, the industrial model was applicable to some,but not all, of agriculture. It was nonetheless appliedindiscriminately as a creed rather than a scientific hypothesis to beexamined skeptically. The modernist confidence in huge scale,centralization of production, standardized mass commodities, andmechanization was so hegemonic in the leading sector of industry thatit became an article of faith that the same principles would work,pari passu, in agriculture. 350c69d7ab


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